
The writers - (Left) Dr Samuel Kofi Darkwa & Professor Jeffery Haynes
By Professor Jeffery Haynes & Dr Samuel Kofi Darkwa
Sub-Saharan Africa is facing significant challenges, periodic crises, and political and social transformations. The West African sub-region grapples with a growing terrorist threat which developed following the Malian crisis of 2012, as well as a wave of coups, raising concerns about broader democratic backsliding. Challenges are intensified by demographic pressures and the accelerating impact of climate change.
The result is a serious threat to the security and stability of the sub-region. Many see what appears to be the sub-region’s increasing disintegration, in relation both to security and diplomacy, which highlights a need for increased international collaboration to address insurgency and militant activities.
West Africa is the site of intensifying international competition involving several extra-regional countries, including China, France, Russia, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the USA. There is interest in the sub-region’s abundant mineral resources, as well as a focus on the threat of terrorism among others.
China’s engagement is generally viewed positively, with many African nations appreciating its investments in infrastructure and development. However, there are concerns regarding potential debt traps—often considered more of a Western narrative—and the quality of Chinese goods. Nevertheless, China’s policy of non-interference and emphasis on trade make it a preferred international partner.
France evokes mixed feelings among African nations, particularly its former colonies. There is an appreciation for cultural connections, as well as resentment towards perceived neo-colonial practices. Moreover, many view French economic involvement as exploitative, manifested in increasing anti-French sentiment in, for example, Mali and Burkina Faso.
While Russia’s influence is less prominent compared to China and Western nations, some African governments are interested in diplomatic and military relationships. At the same time, concerns remain about Russia’s support for authoritarian regimes and involvement in conflicts over resources.
Turkey is often seen in a positive light, owing to its commitment to development and humanitarian initiatives. Its ‘African Action Plan.’ Seeking to build Islamic solidarity generally generates goodwill, although there are concerns about Turkey’s geopolitical ambitions in west Africa.
The United Kingdom’s relationship with African nations is influenced by its colonial past and recent shifts following Brexit. Opportunities undoubtedly exist to strengthen ties, particularly in trade and technology. Nevertheless, cuts to development aid and a pivot towards the Asia-Pacific have put a strain on these relationships.
Finally, the United States is acknowledged as an important economic ally. However, its historical military interventions and perceived ulterior motives generate scepticism among some African leaders, which are compounded by concerns surrounding American aid conditionality.
This is the multifaceted context where sub-regional countries are questioning the value and purpose of foreign military bases. For example, Senegal’s president, Bassirou Dioumaye Faye, recently stated that in 2025 Senegal would see an end to all foreign military presence in the country. Faye stated in December 2024 that he had ‘instructed the minister for the armed forces to propose a new doctrine for cooperation in defence and security, involving, among other consequences, the end of all foreign military presences in Senegal from 2025’.
Like in Senegal, questions are being raised in Ghana about the value and purpose of foreign military bases. Major General Kenneth P. Ekman, Director of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) Coordination, recently felt it necessary to address growing concerns and speculations in Ghana, claiming that the United States has no plans to establish a military base in the country.
Ekman’s recent visit to Ghana followed a similar trip to Nigeria, where he met with government officials and military leadership to discuss shared visions for future bilateral engagements. The USA has been repositioning its regional forces, and the issue with Ghana comes in the context of this development. Major Ekman was keen to emphasise that the USA is keen to enhance stability and prosperity in West Africa, rather than establishing a sustained military presence.
Ghana’s strategic sub-regional location and relative maritime power make it an essential partner in regional security efforts, including those related to the American presence. Ekman also pledged that the USA would soon deliver military equipment to the Ghana Armed Forces, which, he claimed, was the result of discussions with Ghanaian counterparts on the form of partnership the USA could develop with Ghana.
Major Ekman’s comments came after years of speculation and controversy surrounding the possibility of an American military base in Ghana. In 2018, the Akufo-Addo government was criticised over a defence cooperation agreement with the USA, which some believed was a precursor to a military base. The government maintained that the agreement was aimed at enhancing Ghana’s military capabilities and promoting regional security.
Soon after his election, the then President-elect, John Mahama declared that he would instruct the Americans to leave Ghana. Was this because he was not concerned about the security and the threat of terrorism in Ghana, especially jihadist militance spilling over from neighbouring countries, including Burkina Faso? It is unlikely that this was the reason. What is likely is that President Mahama was riding a wave not only of anti-Americanism in Ghana but also a more general anti-Western feeling. The issue is about economic independence. Many Ghanaians believe that Ghana has been exploited for too long by foreign interests.
Mahama appears to be asserting Ghana’s right to fight against neo-colonialism, no longer to follow Western orders. Ghana is one of the most economically dependent nations in Africa, heavily reliant on Western aid, loans, and development assistance. Yet, it appears to have achieved very little beyond keeping Ghana in a dismal cycle of debt and dependence.
On the other hand, it is not clear what is the alternative. More than 40 years ago, Jerry John Rawlings also asserted Ghana’s denial of Western control, seeking instead to rely on Ghana and Ghanaians to create a sustainable economy, driven by Ghanaians for Ghanaians. It didn’t turn out well then. Could things be any different now?
The writers are Emeritus Professor of Politics, London Metropolitan University, UK and a Political Scientist.